1. The situation on the ground
This story starts from a convergence between the concerns of the European élite political about a planetary crisis and Sardinia’s long history of resource extraction and resistance. The planetary crisis has been called in different ways, and we can summarise it as a crisis of sustainability in the Anthropocene. The history of resource extraction in Sardinia is as old as our island’s millennia-long past. Already in pre-nuraghic era, in the VI Millenium B.C. Sardinia was the biggest exporter of obsidian in Europe and Mediterranean area. During the Roman Empire, it was the third mining province of the Empire, after Britannia and Hispania. Mining activity was always at the center of our country’s economic life. With the aftermath of the Industrial Revolution, this activity transformed itself in a modern Industry, at the end of the 18th Century, with the presence of Swedish capital. In 1840, the Kingdom of Sardinia adopted a Mining Act, which gave to the Piedmontese government the subsoil ownership. Only one of the roughly 400 concessions were attributed to a Sardinian capitalist (which in fact prospered). All the others were assigned to international companies, particularly English, Belgian, French, and North-Italian ones – very often, the same companies that exploited mines in Africa, the Americas, and Oceania. The mining industry had a big hit at the beginning of 20th century and another big phase of expansion during Fascism, with the extraction of the so-called “autarchic” coal. After WWII, mining was abandoned, but other forms of land grabbing expanded. Among them, it is noteworthy that up to now 65% of all Italian military facilities are located in Sardinia, not to mention the use of the Sardinian-wide Development Plan of the 1960s (the Piano di Rinascita) to fund an Italian chemical and petrochemical industry, which almost entirely collapsed after the 1973 Oil Crisis. Today, renewable power has become the primary extractive tool of Sardinian assets inoghe.
The European Union has set as a general goal the total decarbonisation of EU by 2050, with an intermediate target for 2030, consisting of a 55% reduction in carbonated emissions, compared to 1990 levels.
Sardinia is a relatively large producer of CO2 emissions per capita:
Per capita emissions and CO2 absorption
| Area | Per capita emissions (t/person) | % of Italian average | CO2 absorption (%) |
| Italy | 7.4 | 100 | — |
| Sardinia | 12.2 | 165 | 15 |
Author’s processing of data published in G. Pulina , “Transizione energetica e obiettivo net zero”, Sardegna Soprattutto, June 9, 2024.
Energy in Sardinia is still produced mainly from fossil sources, especially two large coal plants, and oil, processed in one of the largest oil refineries in Europe. In total, fossil sources produce 9,950 GWh/year (of which 4,100 GWh/year from oil). When renewable energy production is included, Sardinia produces 13,400 GWh/year and consumes 8,110 GWh/year. The remaining energy – approximately 40% – 39.2% – of total production is exported (GWh measuring the energy distribution speed).
Energy production and consumption in Sardinia (2023)
| Energy source | Production (GWh/year) | % of total | Notes |
| Coal | 5,850 | 44% | Two major plants |
| Oil | 4,100 | 31% | One of Europe’s largest refineries |
| Renewables | 3,450 | 26% | Solar, wind, hydro |
| Totale production | 13,400 | 100% | — |
| Domestic consumption | 8,110 | — | 39.2% of production – exported |
Author’s processing of official data published in various media outlets
In order to attain the decarbonization, the Italian government decided on 2021 and in 2024 that Southern Italy and Sardinia should become the “hub of energy supply of entire Europe” (Giorgia Meloni’s speaking), fully assuming the State-wide “burden sharing” strategy. For Sardinia, this implies the construction of between 240 to 480 new plants, producing up to 21,000 GWh. For these plants, non-mandatory royalties are foreseen for local communities, amounting for a maximum of 3% of production as compensation.
So far, the government received 211 proposals for wind farms, 455 for agri-photovoltaic plants, and 28 for off-shore wind-turbines plants , a total of 695 projects corresponding to 50.14 GW of installed capacity and 23.8 GW of storage capacity.
National targets and Sardinia’s contribution
| Objective | Value | Notes |
| National target (2030) | 80 GW | Overall renewable capacity |
| Sardinia’s assigned quota | 6.2 GW | Sardinia is 8% of Italian territory, and 2.7% of population |
| Current renewable production | 2.8 GW | Already exceeds local demand (2.2 GW) |
Author’s processing of official data published in various media outlets
These plants are usually built on plains, putting agricultural soil at risk. Offshore plants are expected to reach a height of 355 meters, thus having a sever impact on the landscape.
Another major issue concerns the existing and planned big infrastructure required to transport the large volume of power produced and exported to mainland Italy, and Sicily. The Sardinian power grid is largely obsolete, with many facilities nearing the end of their life, largely due to the previous privatisation of electricity which, here as elsewhere, resulted in insufficient investment in maintenance and network upgrades. A similar problem affects the Island’s water infrastructure.
Since this production is designed to supply Italy rather than Sardinia itself, an extensive network of power lines has been planned. Existing connections already link Sardinia directly to Italy or via Corsica (SAPEI and SACOI), carrying a total of 1400 MW. In addition, the SACOI3 project has been proposed, and above all, a new connection—the Tyrrhenian Link – is under construction. This line will connect southern Sardinia to western Sicily and Campania, carrying 1,000 MW. Construction has already begun, affecting a valley near Ceraxus (italianized as “Selargius”), and damaging a stunning bay in Is Mortòrius, in the Càllari region.
Power grid and Infrastructures
| Infrastructure | Function | Capacity (MW) | Status |
| SAPEI | Sardinia–Italy | 1,000 | Operational |
| SACOI 3 | Sardinia–Corsica–Italy | 400 | Under construction |
| Tyrrhenian Link | Sardinia–Sicily–Campania | 1,000 | Under construction |
| Sardinian internal grid | Local distribution | — | Obsolete, privatized, poorly maintained |
Author’s processing of official data published in various media outlets
2. The movement(s)
Sardinia is not new to mobilisation against land grabbing, military occupation, or the misuse of coastal and inland landscapes. In the spring of 1969, a massive uprising involving an entire town, Orgòsolo, stopped the construction of a new military base in central Sardinia, and the name of this land, Su Pradu (Italianised as “Pratobello”), became a shared reference in the resistance struggles of the Sardinian people. More recently, movements such as the Coordination of local committees and the Antimilitaristic movement “A Foras” have been very active.
The February 2024 Sardinian gave victory to a coalition between the traditional left and a populist movement. The right-wing coalition, as well as a coalition of independentists and other left-wing forces—the last one being the only one explicitly opposed to wind-turbines speculation, were defeated. Immediately afterwards, the new government demonstrated its fully openness to wind-turbines speculation.
Nobody, at that stage, was able to imagine the opposition that would emerge. Already mobilised against the ambiguity of the previous centre-right local government, a network of local committees, concerned about land grabbing, was able to mobilise across the whole island. On June 15, 2024, they converged at the Romanesque-Judical Abbey of the Holy Trinity in Sacàrgia (Italianised as “Saccargia”), in Northern Sardinia, for a first major rally. The choice of location was not accidental: a mega wind-turbine project was planned for that area. At this point, the movement split, and one faction decided to collect signatures in order to submit a bill to the Sardinian Regional Council, using a provision of the Sardinian Statute that had been very rarely used. By the end of the summer, they had gathered 210,729 signatures, out of a population of approximately 1.4 million voters (with a turnout of about 50%). Rarely has a grassroots movement in Sardinia been able to influence the political agenda as strongly as this one. At the end of August, a large and still unified rally in the island’s capital, Casteddu (Italianised as “Cagliari”), marked the launch of the signature collection campaign, which turned out to be an unprecedented success.
The movement, which called itself the Pratobello 2024 Movement, as well as the bill it proposed, the Pratobello 2024 (P24) Bill, was highly heterogeneous. Its main components included opposition to wind-turbine speculation and its localisation; local committees, often initially formed by landowners threatened by expropriation; local intellectuals and activists; small-town mayors; independentist and antagonistic activists; and the main Sardinian newspaper L’Unione Sarda, together with the leading private local TV broadcaster, Videolina. These media outlets, usually right-oriented, have often taken an ambiguous position, fostering the development of natural gas in opposition to renewable energies. The movement was characterised by limited technical expertise but a strong legalistic cultural orientation. Many activists, concerned about the presence of right-wing actors within the movement and the activism of a former right-wing President of Sardinia, chose to stay outside it. They were progressively marginalised as the movement grew. The P24 Bill was the result of discussions among local committees, mayors, supportive media outlets, and the former right-wing President. Its main features can be defined by the decision to use the urban-planning authority granted to Sardinia by the Italian constitutional order as an exclusive jurisdiction, combined with popular mobilisation. The main ambiguity lay in the supporting media outlets’ unclear position on natural gas and the former President’s explicit support for hydrogen as a stabilising technology for energy storage, presented as an alternative to lithium batteries, which were criticised as expensive and technologically immature.
The P24 Movement was not alone in mobilising against wind-turbine speculation. Other groups and alternative proposals also emerged, while some actors openly opposed it. Groups such as the Coordination of Local Committees were advanced in their struggles but did not openly oppose the P24 Movement or its bill. Traditional environmentalist organisations were openly critical of the movement, accusing it of manipulation and ambiguity. Many of these groups were linked to the populist–traditional left local government or not clearly hostile to lobbies promoting wind-turbine expansion. Among these actors, the most interesting—because of its independence—was the Fridays for Future movement. Unlike their international leader, Greta Thunberg, who has articulated a clear decolonial stance, the local movement was largely deaf to the colonial dimension of wind-turbine speculation in Sardinia, and criticised the P24 Movement. Their main argument was that Sardinia is both highly polluted and polluting, and that the data used to downplay this fact were based on energy production rather than consumption. This distinction undermines one of the movement’s key arguments: namely, that most polluting energy production on the island serves export to mainland Italy.
3. Politics of Energy, politics of a planet.
The movement was not able to stop the colonial relations that dominate politics and policy-making in Sardinia. It represented a rebellion against a legal framework adopted by the Italian government and supported by the vast majority of political parties, across both right and left. However, it was highly effective in reshaping the political agenda and in forcing a political class—structurally tied to Italian political institutions for both careers and ideological reference points—to intervene, or at least to pretend to intervene.
The legal framework for renewable energy policy was established by the so-called Draghi Decree, named after Mario Draghi, then President of the Council of Ministers, former President of the European Central Bank, and a prominent figure at the European level. Decree No. 199 of 2021 introduced simplified procedures for obtaining authorisations to install renewable energy plants. After a change of government, a decree issued by the Minister for Environmental Policies, Pichetto Fratin (No. 6/2024), raised Italy’s overall renewable target from 72 to 80 GW and increased Sardinia’s assigned quota from 2.8 to 6.6 GW. This latter decree was recently annulled following a ruling by the Latium Administrative Court in Rome and subsequently modified in December. Despite the worst fears of Sardinian movements, these procedures did not result in the approval of all proposed plants. By last autumn, only nine projects had been authorised (all agri-photovoltaic), while eighteen had been rejected (all wind-turbine projects).
Planned energy projects (National Plan 2021-2024)
| Type of plant | Number of projects | Expected output (GW) | % of totale |
| Onshore wind | 211 | 15.2 | 30% |
| Agri-photovoltaic | 455 | 23.8 | 48% |
| Off-shore wind | 28 | 11.1 | 22% |
| Total | 695 | 50.1 GW | 100% |
Author’s processing of data published in a Facebook post by Maurizio Onnis, Mayor of Biddanoa de Forru (Italianised as Villanovaforru), September 16, 2025 (“Rinnovabili in Sardegna: a che punto è la notte?”).
Politics of energy became a field of action for different groups: some chose to mobilise the public, while others sought to influence political elites through institutional proposals. All attempted to use the jurisdiction granted to Sardinia by the 1948 Special Statute of Self-Government, enshrined in the Italian Constitution. The Pratobello 2024 Bill referred to Sardinia’s urban-planning authority, prohibiting both energy production and storage plants, as well as the landing of power lines. In particular, it excluded the installation of plants in “sensitive areas” characterised by cultural, environmental, or historical value. The bill also supported the expansion of local “energy communities” aimed at self-consumption through small-scale renewable installations.
They choose the popular mobilisation.
Another proposal came from a group of old politicians and intellectuals from the traditional left (the Scientific Comittee for the Principle of Insularity to be enshrined in the Constitution). They proposed blocking speculation by extending to the entire Sardinian territory the regulations already protecting coastal areas under the Regional Landscape Plan, a law applying a constitutional principle (landscape protection) and thus far highly resistant to political attacks. They limited themselves to drafting a bill, without seeking popular mobilisation.
The reaction of the new Sardinian government was highly nervous and characterised by attempts to neutralise or dilute the movement’s proposals. The current President of Sardinia had previously served in the Draghi government as Vice-Minister responsible for industrial policy, including renewable energy industries. She publicly declared that she “represented the industries” in that government and openly stated that “laws are made by us,” legitimising repeated attempts by the Sardinian legislature—now dominated by the Italian-aligned left—to contain the movement. Nevertheless, the popular pressure was so strong that the government was forced to approve a temporary moratorium on new renewable plants in July 2024, as well as Sardinian Law No. 20 defining “suitable areas” for installations. Both measures were later annulled by the courts as incompatible with the Constitution and the Sardinian Statute. At the end of 2025, the Italian government definitively closed the matter by approving a Decree-Law that effectively nullified Sardinia’s jurisdiction in this field, centralising decision-making at the national level and ignoring Sardinian interests.
Sardinian Law No. 20, in particular, still allowed the replacement of existing plants with larger ones (for example, replacing ten 100-metre turbines with five 200-metre turbines). The regional government chose to align itself fully with Italian state interests, burying the Pratobello 2024 Bill in prolonged committee procedures without ever debating or voting on it in plenary session. It refused to use landscape protection tools or urban-planning powers to counter speculation and Italy’s strategy of using Sardinia as a State energy “battery.” Proposals to extend the Regional Landscape Plan to the entire island were likewise ignored.
Although Law No. 20 referred to Article 4 of the Sardinian Statute, which grants the region authority over electricity production and distribution, and envisaged the creation of a Sardinian Energy Agency, no concrete steps have been taken. The current Sardinian Energy Plan still dates back to 2016.
Latest Developments
The end of 2025 has been marked by deep concern among many Sardinians. In December, the Constitutional Court struck down key provisions of Sardinian Law No. 20 on “suitable areas” with its ruling No. 184/2025, a decision that symbolically dismantled the cornerstone of the regional government’s approach. The law proved ineffective in preventing wind-turbine installations in areas deemed “sensitive” or “unsuitable” by the regional authorities, and it could not halt projects already approved prior to its adoption, nor affirm Sardinian sovereignty over decision-making in this field. In November, the Italian government had already approved a Decree-Law (a sort of Executive Order) that further simplified approval procedures for renewable energy projects, opening the door to expanded speculation. Sardinian politicians have shown little interest in mounting a strong opposition to the central government, preferring instead to mitigate the visible impacts of these policies, despite the fact that they continue to foster large-scale speculation.
1. Sa situatzionė po sù ki est
Su contu comintzat de unu scontru aintre is cunsilleris de s’élite polìtica europea a pithus de sa situatzione planetària de crisi, e una istoria sarda longa meda de estratzione de rikesa e de resistèntzia. Sa crisi planetària dd’ant tzerriada a manera diversas meda, ma dda podeus resùmiri ke una crisi de sustenibilidadi in s’Antropoçeni.
S’istòria sarda de estratzioni de resursas, cantu a issa, est antiga ke s’istòria plurimillenària de su logu nostru. Jae in s’era pre-nuràghica, in su VI Millèniu a.C., Sardigna fiat sa prus ki esportât s’ossidiana in Europa e in s’àrea Mesuterrànea. In su tempus de s’impèriu romanu, fiat sa provinça minadora de s’imprèriu de tres, a pustis de sa Britànnia e de s’Hispània. Acabendi su sèculu de XVIII, a s’incràs de sa Rivolutzioni industriali, custa faina si nd’est furriada a indùstria moderna, cun sa presèntzia de capitale svedesu. In su 1840, su Rennu de Sardigna at adotau una Lei minerària, donendi a su guvernu piemontesu sa propiedadi de s’asuta-terra. Feti una de is prus de 400 cunçessionis est stètia atribuida a unu capitalista sardu (ki difatis si ndi fiat aboniau meda, prosperendi in Monti Beçu de Gùspini). Totus is atras fiant stètias atribuidas a soçiedadis internatzionalis, a manera particulari inglesas, belgas, françesas, e nord-italianas. Medas bortas fiant is pròpias sfrutendi menas in Àfrica, in is Américas, e Oçeània. S’indùstria minerària at tzacau meda a su comentzu de su sèculu de XX et at tentu un’atru perìodu de espansione asuta de su Fascismu, cun s’estratzione de su carbone “autàrchicu”. A s’incràs de sa Liberatzioni, sa mena est stètia lassada a una parti, ma atras maneras de fura de terra si sunt espàndias. Aintre issas, est a remonai ki prus de su 65% de totus is basis militaris italianas funti localizadas in Sardigna, kentza de cunsiderai s’impreu de su Pranu de Renàscida in is annus ’60 po finantziai s’indùstria petrukìmica e kìmica italiana (casi tota fallida a pustis de sa crisi petrolìfera de su 1973). Oi est a s’enerjia “rinnovàbili” de èssiri aina de estratzioni.
S’Unioni Europea at fissau ke fine generale sa decarbonizatzione totale de s’UE po su 2050, a unu gradinu intermèdiu po 2030, cunduna mèngua de su 55% de emissionis carbonadas, cumparadas a ìs de 1990. Sardigna produsit medas emissionis de CO2 po conca.
Emissionis po conca e suspidura de CO2
| Àrea | Emissionis po conca (t/personi) | % de sa mèdia italiana | Suspidura de CO2 (%) |
| Itàlia | 7.4 | 100 | — |
| Sardigna | 12.2 | 165 | 15 |
Elaboratzione de datus pubricaus in G. Pulina , “Transizione energetica e obiettivo net zero”, Sardegna Soprattutto, 9 de làmpadas 2024
S’enerjia in Sardigna est prodùsia prus ki totu de mitzas fòssilis, a manera speçiali po mori de duus impiantus mannus, e de nafta, induna de is rafinerias de nafta prus mannas de Europa. In totale, de mitza fòssile ndi bogaus 9,950GWh/s’annu (4,100 GWh/s’annu de sa nafta). Açunjendi sù ki est jai prodùsiu de impiantus de enerjia rinnovàbile, Sardigna produsit in totale 13,400 GWh/s’annu e consumat 8,110 GWh/s’annu. Su restu (prus o mancu 40% – 39.2% – de sa produtzioni cosa sua) est esportada (GWh medendi sa lestresa de ispainamentu de s’enerjia).
Produtzione e consumu de enerjia in Sardigna (2023)
| Mitza de enerjia | Produtzionė (GWh/s’annu) | % de su totalė | Nodas |
| Carbonė | 5.850 | 44% | Duus impiantus mannus |
| Nafta | 4.100 | 31% | Una de is rafinerias prus mannas de Europa |
| Rinnovàbilės | 3.450 | 26% | Solarė, bentu, idro |
| Totalė produtzionė | 13.400 | 100% | — |
| Consumu internu | 8.110 | — | 39,2% de sa produtzionė – esportada |
Elaboratzione personale de datus pubricaus in s’imprenta de mitzas ofitzialis
Po segudai sa decarbonizatzione, su guvernu italianu in su 2021 e in su 2024 at deçìdiu ca su Sud de Itàlia e sa Sardigna ndi depiant essiri ke su “nuu de furnidura de enerjia de s’Europa intrea” (Giorgia Meloni), e si pigai a coddu totu su burden sharing (“parthimentu de su càrrigu”) assinnendi-ddu a custas partis de s’Istadu. Po sa Sardigna custa cosa bolit nâi unu nùmeru de impiantus nous de 240 fintzas a 480, po 21.000 GWh. Po totus custus impiantus, funti stètias prebistas royalties no-obrigatòrias de màssimu su 3% de sa produtzione, ke forma de cumpensatzioni.
Fintzas a imoi, su guvernu at arriçiu 211 propostas po impiantus a turbina eòlica (a bentu), 455 po mpiantus agri-fotovoltàicus, e 28 po impiantus a turbina a bentu off-shore, est a nâi in mari abertu, po unu totali de 695 projetus po sa produtzioni de 50,14 GW e 23,8 GW de baterias acumuladoras.
Obietivus de s’Istadu e contributu de sa Sardigna
| Obietivu | Cabbalė | Nodas |
| Obietivu de s’Istadu (2030) | 80 GW | Capia rinnovabilė intrea |
| Cuota assinnada a sa Sardigna | 6,2 GW | 8% de su logu de s’Istadu, 2,7% de sa populatzionė |
| Produtzione rinnovàbilė atualė | 2,8 GW | Est jai de prus de su consumu sardu (2,2 GW) |
Elaboratzione personale de datus pubricaus in s’imprenta de mitzas ofitzialis
Noda:
Su guvernu at açuntu un’atra cuota de 60% assinnada a is impiantus in mari abertu, ki fiant inclùdius feti po su 40%.
Is impiantus funti fraigaus prus ki totu in sa campeda e in sa cea, e aici ponint a riscu sa laurera e su laori. In prus, is impiantus in mari abertu si pensat ki lompant a 355 metrus e ki pothant èssiri de grandu incrèsciu po su paesaju.
Un’atra kistioni manna est sà de is infrastruturas mannas po carriai sa grandu cantidadi de enerjia ki at a èssiri prodùsia e esportada faci a su Continenti e sa Siçìlia.
Sa retza sarda de sa currenti est obsoleta meda e medas impiantus funti a s’acabu de sa vida insoru, gràtzias prus ki totu a sa privatizatzioni beça de sa currenti elètrica ki, innoi ke in dònnia logu, no investit in manutentzioni e in retzas noas. Unu problema ki s’assimbillat a sù de sa retza ìdrica, a su mancu in s’Ìsula nostra.
Sendi totu custa produtzioni imaginada po furniri s’Itàlia, e no sa Sardigna, una retza de lìnnias de enerjia est stètia projetada. Ndi teneus jai unas cantas ki acostant a manera dereta sa Sardigna a s’Itàlia opuru a s’Itàlia passendi de sa Còssiga (SAPEI e SACOI), ki est jai carriendi 1400 MW.
A custas lìnnias de enerjia s’est açuntu unu projetu de una SACOI2, ma a subra de totu una lìnnia de enerjia noa a manera intrea po sa Siçìlia e sa Campània, su Tyrrhenian Link (“Acàpiu tirrenu”), ki diat èssiri postu aintre de su Sud de Sardigna e s’Ovest de Siçìlia, ki iat dèpiri carriai 1.000 MW de currenti. Is traballus po ddu fraigai funti jai cumentzaus ocupendi una cussorja in su sartu de Ceraxus e derrokendi una cala de spantu in Is Mortòrius, in sa parti de Càllari.
Retzas e infrastruturas de enerjia
| Infrastrutura | Funtzionė | Capia (MW) | Situatzionė |
| SAPEI | Sardigna–Itàlia | 1.000 | Operativa |
| SACOI 2 | Sardigna–Còssiga–Itàlia | 400 | Fràigu in cursu |
| “Tyrrhenian Link” | Sardigna–Siçìlia–Campània | 1.000 | Fràigu in cursu |
| Retza interna sarda | Spainamentu localė | — | Obsoleta, privatizada, pagu mantènnia |
Elaboratzione personale de datus pubricaus in s’imprenta de mitzas ofitzialis
2. Is movimentus
Sa Sardigna no est arribendi oi a sa mobilitatzioni contras a sa fura de terra, a s’ocupatzioni militari e a su malu usu de su paesaju marìtimu e rurali. In su beranu de su 1969, una rebellia manna de una bidda intrea, Orgòsolo, aiat firmau una basi militari noa in sa Barbaja, e su nòmini italianizau de custu sartu, Pratobello (in sardu Su Pradu), nd’est furriau a unu riferimentu comunu po sa cumbata de resistèntzia de su pòpulu sardu. Prus acanta a imoi, movimentus ke su Coordinamentu de is cumitaus localis e is movimentus antimilitaristas ke A Foras sunt istètius prus ativus.
A friarju de 2024 is eletzionis sardas donânt sa bitòria a una coalitzioni aintre sa manca traditzionali e unu movimentu populista. Sa dereta e una coalitzioni de indipendentistas e àtera manca (solus a si pònniri contras a sa speculatzioni de is turbinas a bentu) fiant stètias bintas. De repenti, su guvernu nou s’est postu a disponimentu po sa speculatzioni de is turbinas a bentu.
Nemus, a cuddu puntu, si podiat imaginai s’opositzioni ki si fiat pesendi. Sendi jai presenti contras a s’ambiguidadi de sa junta de çentru-dereta beça, una retza de comitaus localis, timendi sa fura de is terras insoru, est stètia bona a si mobilitai in paris in totu sa Sardigna. Su 15 de làmpadas de su 2024, si funti aprobiaus a s’Abbaìa romànica-juigali de sa Santìssima Trinidadi de Sacarja, in Cabu de Susu, po una prima manifestada de importu. Su logu no fiat anodinu: unu projetu de turbinas a bentu depiat betiri unu mega-impiantu de turbinas a bentu ingunis. A cuddu puntu su movimentu s’est sperrau, e una parti at deçìdiu de regòlliri firmas po proponni una lei a su Cunsillu rejonali, usendi una possibilidadi oferta de s’Istatudu speçiali, mancai impreada a manera rara meda. A s’acabu de s’istadi, 210.729 firmas fiant stètias regortas, cunsiderendi una populatzioni de 1,4 milionis de votantis (cundunu po centu de parteçipatzioni de su 50). Raramenti unu movimentu partendi de su basciu fiat stètiu bonu a influentzai s’agenda polìtica sarda comenti a custu. Acabendi austu, una manifestada ancora unitària e immensa in sa capitali sarda, Casteddu, at marcau s’imbrìlliu de sa regolta de is firmas, ki est stètiu unu suçessu cun pagus preçedentis.
Su movimentu, ki dd’ant nâu issus etotu Movimentu Pratobello 2024, aici etotu ke sa lei proposta fiat tzerriada Lei Pratobello 2024 (P24), fiat eterojèneu. S’elementu prus mannu insoru fiat sa speculatzioni e sa localizatzioni de is turbinas a bentu, o palas eòlicas (a s’italiana). Sighiant is comitaus localis, a bortas costituius a s’inghitzu de meris de terrinus minetaus de espròpiu; intelletualis e ativistas localis; sìndigus de bidda; ativistas indipendentistas e antagonistas; su jornali prus mannu de Sardigna, L’Unione Sarda, cun sa televisioni privada prus de importu a tragu, Videolina, a manera generale orientaus a dereta e a bortas ambìguu acotzendi su svilupu de s’impreu de su gas naturali contras a is enerjias rinnovàbilis; pagu connoscèntzias localis ma prus ki totu una cultura de abogau, legalìstica. Ativistas meda, timendi sa presèntzia de ìs de dereta aintre su movimentu, e s’ativismu de unu Presidenti de Sardigna de dereta beçu, no si funti atrivius a nc’intrai. Funti stètius postus a una parti su movimentu andendi ainnantis.
Sa Lei P24 nd’est essida de rexonus aintre is cumitaus localis, is sìndigus de bidda, is mèdia acotzendi s’initziativa, e su Presidenti beçu de dereta. Su scioberu fatu fiat a impreai su podèriu de pranificatzioni urbana connotu a sa Sardigna ke jurisditzioni esclusiva de s’òrdini costitutzionali italianu, e puru cun s’impreu de sa mobilitatzioni populari. S’ambiguidadi prus de importu fiat cudda de s’acotzu pagu craru de is mèdia sardus po su gas naturali, e de su Presidenti beçu po s’impreu de s’idròjenu po stabilizai sa regorta de sa currenti, in alternativa a is baterias de lìtiu, criticadas ca est una tecnologia pagu matura, pagu comprida, e cara.
Su Movimentu P24 no est istètiu a solu mobilitendi-si contras a sa speculatzioni de is turbinas a bentu. Atrus grupus si sunt mòvius e atras propostas presentadas. E atrus grupus si funti opostus. Unu grupu ke su “Coordinamentu de is comitaus localis” est andau ainnantis gherrendi po contu suu mancai no si siat opostu de manera aberta a sa Lei e a su Movimentu P24. A s’imbessi, s’ambientalismu traditzionali s’est opostu deretu, imputendi a su P24 de manipulatzioni e ambiguidadi. Medas de custus grupus sunt acapiaus a sa Junta sarda de sa manca traditzionali e populista, opuru ligaus a manera dereta a calincuna lobby de importu promovendi sa speculatzioni de is turbinas a bentu. Aintre issus, su prus interessanti, ca indipendenti de custus acotzus, est stètiu su movimentu Friday for Future. A manera diversa de sa leader internatzionali insoru, Greta Thurnberg, ki tenit una pòsida decoloniali crara, cuddus funti abarraus thurpus a s’aspetu coloniali de sa speculatzioni de is turbinas a bentu in Sardigna, e ant criticau su movimentu, imputendi-ndi ca sa Sardigna est luada meda e incuinat, e ca is datus utilizaus po amenguai custu fattu funti basaus a pithus de sa produtzioni de enerjia in Sardigna e no tanti a pithus de su consumu. Custa diferèntzia, a pàrriri insoru, ndi scançellat s’argumentu prinçipali a su movimentu anti-palas eòlicas, est a nâi su fattu ki totus is produtzionis alluadoras de enerjia in s’Ìsula funti po s’esportatzioni a s’Itàlia, e ki sa Sardigna jai produsit totu s’enerjia ki ddi serbit gràtzias a is impiantus de rinnovàbilis.
3. Polìticas de s’enerjia, polìticas de unu Pianeta
Su movimentu no est stètiu bonu a firmai is relatzionis colonialis cumandendi sa polìtica istitutzionali e is polìticas fatas in Sardigna. Est stètia una rebellia contras a unu marcu legali adotau de su guvernu italianu, ki fiat e est acotzau de sa mayoria de is partidus polìticus sardus istitutzionalis, de manca a dereta, kentza de discriminatzionis. Comentisisiat, cussu est stètiu bonu meda a mudai s’agenda polìtica, e a custrìngiri sa classi polìtica (acapiada struturalmenti a su marcu polìticu italianu po mori de is carrieras e de is puntus de riferimentu suus) a interbènniri o nessi a pretèndiri de interbènniri.
Su marcu legali de is polìticas de s’enerjia rinnovàbili est insertau in su ki nânt Decreu Draghi, pighendi su nòmini de su Presidenti de su Cunsillu de is Ministrus Mario Draghi (2021-2022), Diretori beçu de su Bancu Çentrali Europeu (2011-2019), e polìticu de cabbali a su livellu europeu. Su Decreu 199 de su 2021 cumandat proçeduras prus fàçilis po otènniri cunçessionis po installai impiantus po sa produtzioni de enerjias rinnovàbilis. Mudau su guvernu, unu Decreu de su Ministru de is Polìticas Ambientalis Pichetto Fratìn (n°6, 2024), at artziau su cuntributu italianu de 72 a 80 GW, e sa parti sarda de 2,8 a 6,6 GW. Custu decreu est stètiu burrau partzialmenti de su TAR (tribunali amministrativu rejonali) de su Làtziu in su 2025 e modificau duncas in su mese de Idas de ocannu.
Mancai sù ki timiant is Movimentus sardus, totu custas proçeduras no ant pirmìtiu de arriçiri totus is impiantus propostus. Fintzas a custu atonju passau, feti 9 projetus fiant stètius arriçius (totus de agri-fotovoltàicu) e 18 no arriçius (totus de impiantus de turbinas a bentu).
Projetus pranificaus de impiantus de enerjia rinnovàbili (Pranu Natzionali 2021-2024)
| Tipu de impiantu | Nùmeru de projetus | Previsionė de prodotu (GW) | % de su totale |
| Eòlicu a terra | 211 | 15,2 | 30% |
| Agri-fotovoltàicu | 455 | 23,8 | 48% |
| Eòlicu in altu marė | 28 | 11,1 | 22% |
| Totalė | 695 | 50,1 GW | 100% |
Elaboratzionė personalė de datus tiraus de su post Facebook de Maurizio Onnis, sìndigu de Biddanoa de Forru, de 16 de Cabudanni 2025 (“Rinnovabili in Sardegna: a che punto è la notte?”)
Is polìticas enerjèticas funti stètias unu logu po medas grupus: unus cantus ant provau a s’insèrriri in sa classi polìtica cun is propostas insoru, atrus, a mobilitai su pùbricu. Totus ant provau a impreai sa jurisditzioni ki sa Sardigna tenit, sighendi su Statudu speçiali de autonomia de su 1948, ki est parti de su marcu costitutzionali italianu. La Lei Pratobello 2024 fait riferimentu a su poderiu a pithus de sa pranificatzione urbana de Sardigna, po no pirmìtiri ne is impiantus de produtzione ne su depòsitu o nemancu su sbarcu de lìnnias de currenti. A manera particulare, s’escludit s’assentamentu de impiantus in “àreas no idòneas” caraterizadas de cabbali curturali, ambientali o istòricu. Est una proposta ki promovit su movimentu ki est crescendi de “comunidadis enerjèticas” localis po s’auto-consumu, ki pigant sa currenti de impiantus de produtzioni de s’enerjia piticus e minoris. At scioberau sa mobilitatzioni populari ke aina polìtica.
Un’atra proposta est lòmpida de unu grupu de intelletualis e polìticus beni assentaus, su Cumitau scientìficu de s’Insularidadi in Costitutzioni, ki pertennint a sa manca traditzionali, e ki ant propostu issas e issus puru de ndi firmai custa speculatzioni po mori de s’estensioni a totu su logu sardu de is normas ki protejint jai sa costera, insertadas in su Pranu rejonali de su paesaju, una lei (sarda) ki at aplicau a s’Ìsula nostra su prinçìpiu costitutzionali de s’amparu de su paesaju, fintzas a imoi resistenti meda a totus is atacus ki at arriçiu. Cuddus ant scritu e presentau una proposta de lei kentza de circai una mobilitatzioni populari ki fessat.
Sa reatzioni de sa Junta sarda est stètia nervosa, caraterizendi-sì cun sa gana de coberri e cuai is propostas de su movimentu, opuru de ddas interrai deretu. Sa presidentissa de Sardigna atuali fiat parti de su guvernu Draghi, ke visu-ministra incarrigada de sa defesa de is indùstrias e, aintre cuddas, de is indùstria noas de is rinnovàbilis. Issa “nci rapresentât is indùstrias”, in cuddu guvernu, comente aiat declarau a manera pùbrica. Narendi deretu ca “is leis funti fatas de nosatrus”, issa at acotzau sa pràtica ripìtia de cobèrriri e cuai is propostas popularis, ki funti stètias fatas de su Cunsillu rejonali dominau de sa manca traditzionali acapiada a is interessus italianus. Ma sa spinta populari est stètia aici forti ki sa Junta noa at dèpiu aprovai una moratòria de is impiantus nous de enerjia rinnovàbili in su mesi de arjolas de 2024, e sa Lei sarda n° 20 definendi is “àreas idòneas” po si nci pònniri is impiantus. Ambaduas funti stètias declaradas decàdias, passendi in is tribunalis e cortis, ca no coerentis cun sa Costitutzioni italiana e su Statudu sardu. Su guvernu, a s’acabu de ocannu 2025, dd’at interrada cundunu Decreu-Lei ki praticamenti annullat sa jurisditzioni sarda ponendi-dda a jenugu denanti de is detzionis “natzionali” (est a nai italiana), indiferentis a s’interessu sardu.
Sa lei n° 20, a manera particulari, pirmitiat a addopiai is impiantus beçus (po nâi, mudai 10 turbinas a bentu de 100m de artària cun 5 de 200m). Sa Junta sarda at deçìdiu de curbai sa skina a manera cumpleta a is interessus de su guvernu italianu. At interrau sa Lei Pratobello 24 a s’iscusi, eremendi-dda is su prus de arena possìbili pigada a is proçeduras de is Cummissionis de su Cunsillu rejonali, kentza de dda discùtiri o de dda votai a manera aberta. S’est refutada puru a impreai s’aina de s’àmparu de su paesaju e sa jurisditzioni sarda de pranificatzioni urbana po firmai sa speculatzioni e is interessus de su guvernu italianu a usai sa Sardigna ke bateria de su Stadu. Duncas, no at cunsiderau is propostas de estendi su Pranu rejonali de su paesaju a totu su logu.
In sa lei n° 20 cosa sua, sa Junta sarda si fiat ispirada puru a s’artìculu 4 de su Statudu sardu, ki donat a sa Sardigna sa jurisditzioni de sa produtzioni e de s’ispainamentu de s’enerjia elètrica. Duncas, at projetau sa costitutzioni de un’Ajentzia Sarda po s’Enerjia. Fintzas a imoi, no at fatu nudda in custu tretu, e puru su Pranu sardu po s’enerjia est abarrau firmu a sa versioni de su 2016.
4. Una situatzionė faendisì peus
S’acabu de su 2025 marcat unu pistighinju mannu pro totu is Sardus ki tenjant cussèntzia. Difatis, in custu mesi de Idas, sa Corte costitutzionale at scançellau cun sa sentèntzia 184/2025 partis de importu de sa Lei sarda n° 20 (de is “àreas idòneas”), sìmbulu de sa polìtica in custu tema de sa Junta in càrriga. Un’aina ki no funtzionat, duncas, po impediri is impiantus cun turbinas a bentu in àreas ki sa Rejoni definit ke “no idòneas”, po blocai is traballus in is impiantus autorizaus prima de cudda lei, e po afirmai sa soberania sarda a pithus de is deçisionis ki depint èssiri pigadas. In su mesi de donniassantus, su guvernu italianu aiat jai adotau unu Decreu-Lei (est a nâi una Lei fata de su governu etotu) po aberri sa enna ancora de prus a sa speculatzioni enerjètica. Sa classi polìtica sarda no parit interessada a pesai un’opositzioni forti a su guvernu ma a s’imbessi a circai de allebiai s’impatu de is deçisionis de Roma, ki andant a su 100% a favorèssiri in interessus speculadoris.
NODA
Scioberus ortogràficus PERSONALIS, po ki apu tentu crìticas meda, e curiosidadis puru. Deu m’agatu beni a ddu scriri aici, ca desinuncas mi parit tropu una limba allena. No est fàçili a scriri in sardu po nemus, ma no mi bollu fàiri bullizai de is fanàticus de normativas ki fintzas a imoi ant stesiau e bastat a sa jenti normali, e ki nemus tenit s’autoridadi de impònniri, in assèntzia de una polìtica linguìstica ki si spetit. Est leju a s’incrubai a autoridadis de su nudda, e custa est una tenta a promovi sa limba sarda in s’impreu e in su spainamentu:
Â, â inditat una a longa, mascamenti in su tempus passau contìnuu de is verbus (ki in italianu tzèrriant “imperfetto”) e in su verbu narai.
C, c podit èssiri lìjia /č/ opuru /k/ segundu sa zona de Sardigna (ke in centu, cida, cerèsia, etc.)
Ç, ç podit èssiri lìjia /č/ opuru /ts/ segundu sa zona de Sardigna (ke in açapu, sconçu, fàçili)
J, j podit èssiri lìjia /gi-/ opuru /dz/ opuru /i/ segundu sa zona de Sardigna (ke in Junta, rejoni, culurjoni, etc.)
Ll, ll podint èssiri lìjias /gi-/ opuru /dz/ opuru /ll/ opuru fintzas /ts/ segundu sa zona de Sardigna (ke Cunsillu, filla, allu, ollu, etc.)
X, x podit èssiri lìjia /ž/ opuru /gh/ segundu sa zona de Sardigna (ke in paxė, nuxė, luxė, etc.)
Th, th podit èssiri lìjia /th/ opuru /t/ opuru /ts/ opuru /č/ segundu sa zona de Sardigna (ke in pratha, petha, theracu, etc.).
[Ė, ė si podiat lìjiri /e/ opuru /i/ in s’acabu de fueddus meda. Ma dd’apu postu feti in is tìtulus. Una solutzionė ki dd’assimbillit si podiat agatai po sa o in s’acabu de fueddus ke domo/domu, oro/oru, e in is pluralis masculinus. Un’atra possibilidadi interessanti ‘iat èssiri a fàiri de G,g unu sonu ùnicu, /gh/, de Y,y 🡪 /y/ e de K,k 🡪 /k/].
Dònnia crìtica est beni arriçida!
